Tag: Joseph Roth

“Where can I go now, I, a Trotta?”

Joseph Roth.

When I return to Vienna in March I’ll likely spend an hour or two at the Kaisergruft, the Capuchin Crypt wherein lie the remains of “150 Habsburg personalities,” as the web site has it. It will be my third visit over the years, and wandering the crypt, chilly and low-lit, encourages a certain amount of historical contemplation. Some of this contemplation leads to a comparison of the old Empire with our own world.

It certainly did for Joseph Roth, whose 1938 novella The Emperor’s Tomb (translated by Michael Hofmann and published by New Directions) has just found its way out of my hands and onto my bookshelf. Die Kapuzinergruft, to give the book its original German title, is often characterized as a sequel to Roth’s epic 1932 The Radetzky March — I briefly wrote about that novel here — but is actually more of an epilogue, a completion of the Trotta family chronicle that began with the earlier book. That novel’s timespan reached from the 1859 Battle of Solferino, in which the young Lieutenant Trotta saves the life of the blundering emperor Franz Joseph, to the 1914 Battle of Krasne-Busk, at which Trotta’s grandson is killed.

The Radetzky March poetically and majestically explores the slow descent and dissipation of the Empire through three generations. There’s another Trotta at the Battle of Krasne-Busk, though — a cousin, Franz Ferdinand Trotta, who enlists in the Austro-Hungarian Army after a rather misspent and dissolute youth. His story — fragmented and told, unlike The Radetzky March, in the first person — reaches from 1913 through the 1938 Anschluss, a story of rapid personal, cultural, and political decline. Like the first novel, the second also reaches from Vienna to Galicia and back again, from the skeptical and mildly corrupt but mannered and polite 19th-century Empire through the seemingly progressive and modern but vulgar and cynical 20th-century Europe, from the polyglot multicultural Empire to the nationalistic, ethnocentric, and brazenly antisemitic [Sounds familiar. -Ed.] Central and Eastern Europe of the long war between 1914 and 1945. The same theme informed another film of the period, Jean Renoir’s 1937 Grand Illusion, also set in the First World War and a melancholic elegy for a lost world.

I expect to meet the Trottas’ ghosts during my next visit to the Kaisergruft, as well as other ghosts of that long-defunct Empire, perhaps even a few of my own family’s. In the meantime, I highly recommend The Emperor’s Tomb as well as The Radetzky March, which remain timely reminders of a lost and perhaps more civilized world.

One character who appears in both novels is Count Chojnicki, a minor Galician noble skeptical of European progress. In his brief appearances, he, perhaps speaking for Roth himself, delivers monologues that emphasize the virtues of a world which is rapidly being lost. In The Radetzky March, Chojnicki wittily condemns the nationalism which is leading to the First World War (“Here’s to my countrymen, wherever they happen to hail from!” is his generous and all-embracing toast); in The Emperor’s Tomb he argues with Trotta and his friends the benefits of the Church, which in Vienna means the Catholic Church. (Roth, a Galician Jew, flirted with Catholicism through his life.) He says:

The Church of Rome … is the only brace in this rotten world. The only giver and maintainer of form. By enshrining the traditional element “handed down” in its dogmas, as in an icy palace, it obtains and bestows upon its children the licence to play round about this icy palace, which has spacious grounds, to indulge irresponsibility, even to pardon the forbidden, or to enact it. By instituting sin, it forgives sins. It sees that there is no man without flaw: that is the wonderfully humane thing about it. Its flawless children become saints. By that alone, it concedes the flawed nature of mankind. It concedes sinfulness to such a degree even that it refuses to see beings as human if they are not sinful: they will be sainted or holy. In so doing the Church of Rome shows its most exalted tendency, namely to forgive. There is no nobler tendency than forgiveness. And by the same token, there is none more vulgar than to seek revenge. There is no nobility without generosity, just as there is no vengefulness without vulgarity.

The Hero of Solferino

Stefan Zweig (left) and Joseph Roth in Ostend, 1936.

Joseph Roth’s 1932 novel The Radetzky March chronicles three generations in the life of a family in the Austro-Hungarian Empire from 1859 through 1916, and like many Austrian novels and memoirs of the period, it’s also a chronicle of dissipation and collapse. Joseph Trotta, an infantry lieutenant and the son of a Slovenian peasant, manages somehow to save the life of a befuddled Emperor Franz Joseph I on the battlefield, taking a bullet himself in the process; hailed as a hero, he reads about his exploit ridiculously exaggerated in a children’s history book and insists to the Emperor during a private audience that the record be corrected:

“Listen, my dear Trotta!” said the Kaiser. “The whole business is rather awkward. But neither of us comes off all that badly. Let it be!”

“Your Majesty,” replied the captain, “it’s a lie!”

“People tell a lot of lies,” the Kaiser confirmed.

“I can’t, Your Majesty,” the captain choked forth. …

“My ministers,” Franz Joseph began, “must know what they’re doing. I have to rely on them. Do you catch my drift, my dear Trotta?” And after a while. “We’ll do something. You’ll see!”

And Franz Joseph does something; the story is indeed expunged from the children’s book, though not until the story has become legendary among Austrian schoolchildren. It’s all downhill from there.

Over the years, The Radetzky March has become a kind of companion novel to Stefan Zweig’s memoir of the same period, The World of Yesterday, published posthumously in 1942, with some interesting and important differences. Zweig’s memoir looks westward from Vienna and is peopled by intellectuals, artists, and writers; Roth’s novel instead looks eastward, especially to the Moravian and Galician frontiers, and is peopled by unimaginative civil servants, soldiers, and the middle-class bourgeoisie and the peasantry. Zweig himself is a pacifist and a political progressive, admiring Erasmus as the standard-bearer of humanism; Roth once characterized the Strauss march as “the Marseillaise of reaction,” Marjorie Perloff reported in her chapter about the book in her fine Edge of Irony. And of course, as Jewish writers, both Zweig and Roth offer portraits of Jews in both regions: the assimilated Jews of Vienna for Zweig, and the unassimilated Jews of Galicia for Roth.

Though superficially a realistic novel traditional in style, The Radetzky March is also a fabric woven of metaphors and symbols. Roth painstakingly describes the manners and morals of the period in a language both poetic and musical, especially as both begin to disintegrate as nationalism — Roth’s bete noire as well as Zweig’s (read Zweig’s condemnation of nationalism here) — threatens the uneasy stability of the empire on the eve of the First World War (indeed, the narrator is fond of describing the disintegration of dead bodies); painted portraits of both the elder Trotta, the Hero of Solferino, and Franz Joseph occur and recur through the narrative; and of course the march itself, heard in a variety of situations, both exterior and in the minds of the characters.

Like other great Modernist novels such as Ulysses and Remembrance of Things Past, The Radetzky March transcends its time and setting. The decay of private and public behavior and conceptions of honor is, I would hope, a continuing tragedy for all of us (though Roth at the end of the book provides hope for honor and redemption, in an ironic echo of the Hero of Solferino’s own unsuspected courage); in an episode when the civil authorities call out the military to suppress a public demonstration late in the book, there are disastrous consequences. And Roth is no mere nostalgist. He sees bluntly and clearly, as his experience as a journalist must have taught him. His reportage rings true as an eyewitness to this decay.

The Radetzky March covers three generations of a family; I am only three generations on myself from my own Galician peasant forebears who themselves were Austrian citizens at the time, which may be why I’ve reacted to the novel as deeply as I have. Affinity, you know; I wrote more about it here. And some other things never change, either. In 2005, translator Michael Hofmann wrote an appreciation of Roth for the Guardian. “I don’t have a favourite chapter in The Radetzky March … , or even a favourite sentence,” he says. “However, I have always been moved by the majestic paragraph of (frankly) authorial commentary at the beginning of chapter eight.” Perhaps it’ll move you too; here’s Hofmann’s translation:

In the years before the Great War, at the time the events chronicled in these pages took place, it was not yet a matter of indifference whether a man lived or died. When someone was expunged from the lists of the living, someone else did not immediately step up to take his place, but a gap was left to show where he had been, and those who knew the man who had died or disappeared, well or even less well, fell silent whenever they saw the gap. When a fire happened to consume a particular dwelling in a row of dwellings, the site of the conflagration remained for a long time afterwards. For masons and bricklayers worked slowly and thoughtfully, and when they walked past the ruins, neighbours and passers-by alike recalled the form and the walls of the house that had once stood there. That’s how it was then! Everything that grew took long to grow; and everything that ended took a long time to be forgotten. Everything that existed left behind traces of itself, and people then lived by their memories, just as we nowadays live by our capacity to forget, quickly and comprehensively.